Introduction
This essay explores the case of Malik, a 13-year-old boy of British Somali heritage, through the lens of attachment theory to understand his social and emotional challenges within a social work context. Malik has experienced significant early life disruptions, including domestic violence and emotional neglect, leading to his removal from parental care at the age of five. Now living with his paternal uncle and aunt, Malik displays a range of behaviours—such as difficulties with focus at school, oppositional tendencies at home, and social isolation—that warrant deeper analysis. Attachment theory, which emphasises the importance of early relationships in shaping emotional and social development, provides a valuable framework for interpreting Malik’s struggles and informing social work interventions. This essay will outline the core principles of attachment theory, apply them to Malik’s experiences, and consider the implications for supporting him in both home and school environments. By doing so, it aims to highlight the relevance of attachment-informed approaches in addressing the complex needs of children in substitute care.
Understanding Attachment Theory
Attachment theory, developed by John Bowlby, posits that early relationships with primary caregivers form the foundation for a child’s emotional security and social interactions throughout life (Bowlby, 1969). Bowlby argued that infants develop internal working models based on the responsiveness and reliability of their caregivers, which influence how they perceive themselves and others. Mary Ainsworth’s subsequent research identified distinct attachment styles—secure, insecure-avoidant, insecure-ambivalent, and disorganised—each reflecting different patterns of caregiver interaction (Ainsworth et al., 1978). Secure attachment, arising from consistent and nurturing care, fosters confidence and resilience, while insecure or disorganised attachment often results from neglect, inconsistency, or trauma, leading to challenges in trust and emotional regulation.
In a social work context, attachment theory is widely used to understand the impact of adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) on development. Children like Malik, who have faced early separation or trauma, may struggle with forming trusting relationships and managing emotions, often exhibiting behaviours that appear oppositional or withdrawn (Howe, 2005). While the theory offers valuable insights, it is not without limitations; critics note that it may overemphasise early experiences at the expense of later relational or cultural influences (Rutter, 1995). Nonetheless, it remains a cornerstone for assessing and supporting children in care.
Malik’s Early Experiences and Attachment Patterns
Malik’s early life was marked by significant disruption, living with his parents until the age of five amidst domestic violence and emotional neglect. Such environments often hinder the development of secure attachment, as caregivers may be emotionally unavailable or unpredictable. Drawing on attachment theory, it is plausible that Malik developed an insecure or disorganised attachment style during these formative years. Disorganised attachment, in particular, is associated with environments where caregivers are sources of both comfort and fear, as may have been the case with Malik witnessing or experiencing domestic violence (Main and Solomon, 1990). This attachment style can manifest in contradictory behaviours, such as a simultaneous need for closeness and fear of rejection, which aligns with Malik’s tense interactions during irregular visits with his parents, especially his father.
Furthermore, Malik’s removal from parental care at a young age likely compounded these challenges. While moving to live with his uncle and aunt offered a potentially safer environment, transitions in caregiving can disrupt a child’s sense of stability, particularly if earlier attachment needs were unmet (Howe, 2005). Although his carers strive to provide structure, Malik’s oppositional behaviours—such as refusing homework or responding with sarcasm—may reflect an internal struggle to trust authority figures or fear of vulnerability. This interpretation underscores the enduring impact of early relational trauma on a child’s ability to form secure bonds, a key concern for social workers tasked with supporting children like Malik.
Malik’s Behaviours in School and Social Contexts
At school, Malik’s difficulties with focus, avoidance of written tasks, and social isolation further illustrate potential attachment-related challenges. Teachers describe him as “very intelligent but unmotivated,” suggesting a discrepancy between his potential and engagement. From an attachment perspective, such behaviours might indicate underlying anxiety or low self-esteem stemming from insecure early relationships (Geddes, 2006). Children with insecure attachment often struggle to seek help or engage with tasks due to a fear of failure or rejection, which could explain Malik’s reluctance to participate in written work. Additionally, his tendency to isolate himself from peers, while maintaining a close bond with an older friend in similar circumstances, may reflect a selective trust in those who share comparable experiences of substitute care.
Malik’s participation in a school support group offers a promising avenue for intervention. His empathy and curiosity within this setting suggest a capacity for connection, yet his resistance to sharing personal information indicates lingering mistrust or emotional guardedness—hallmarks of insecure attachment (Howe, 2005). Social workers and educators could build on this foundation by fostering safe, consistent relationships within the group, helping Malik gradually develop a sense of security and openness.
Implications for Social Work Practice
Applying attachment theory to Malik’s case highlights the importance of relational, trauma-informed approaches in social work practice. Firstly, interventions should prioritise strengthening Malik’s relationship with his current carers. His affectionate behaviour with family pets and willingness to help with chores when in a good mood suggest an underlying desire for connection. Social workers could support his uncle and aunt in understanding attachment principles, encouraging them to respond to oppositional behaviours with patience and consistency rather than frustration. Family-based interventions, such as therapeutic parenting programmes, have been shown to enhance caregivers’ sensitivity to children’s emotional needs, thereby fostering more secure attachments (Dozier et al., 2006).
Secondly, collaboration between social workers and school staff is essential to address Malik’s academic and social challenges. Teachers could be trained in attachment-aware practices, focusing on creating a predictable and supportive classroom environment that reduces Malik’s anxiety around tasks and peer interactions (Geddes, 2006). Additionally, the school support group could serve as a therapeutic space to build Malik’s emotional literacy, gradually encouraging him to share experiences at his own pace.
Finally, Malik’s cultural background as a British Somali young person must be considered. While attachment theory provides a universal framework, cultural norms around family roles and emotional expression may influence how Malik and his carers interpret relationships (Rutter, 1995). Social workers should adopt a culturally sensitive approach, engaging with Malik’s family to understand their values and perspectives on caregiving.
Conclusion
In conclusion, attachment theory offers a robust framework for understanding Malik’s social and emotional challenges within the context of his early experiences of domestic violence, neglect, and separation from his parents. His behaviours at home and school—ranging from oppositionality to social withdrawal—likely reflect an insecure or disorganised attachment style, shaped by relational trauma and caregiving disruptions. While the theory is not without limitations, particularly in accounting for cultural influences, it provides actionable insights for social work practice. Interventions should focus on building trust and consistency in Malik’s relationships with his carers and educators, while remaining sensitive to his cultural heritage. Ultimately, an attachment-informed approach can help address Malik’s immediate needs and support his long-term emotional and social development, illustrating the relevance of this theoretical perspective in social work with children in substitute care.
References
- Ainsworth, M. D. S., Blehar, M. C., Waters, E., and Wall, S. (1978) Patterns of Attachment: A Psychological Study of the Strange Situation. Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
- Bowlby, J. (1969) Attachment and Loss: Vol. 1. Attachment. Hogarth Press.
- Dozier, M., Peloso, E., Lindhiem, O., Gordon, M. K., Manni, M., Sepulveda, S., and Ackerman, J. (2006) Developing evidence-based interventions for foster children: An example of a randomized clinical trial with infants and toddlers. Journal of Social Issues, 62(4), pp. 767-785.
- Geddes, H. (2006) Attachment in the Classroom: The Links Between Children’s Early Experience, Emotional Well-Being and Performance in School. Worth Publishing.
- Howe, D. (2005) Child Abuse and Neglect: Attachment, Development and Intervention. Palgrave Macmillan.
- Main, M., and Solomon, J. (1990) Procedures for identifying infants as disorganised/disoriented during the Ainsworth Strange Situation. In: Greenberg, M. T., Cicchetti, D., and Cummings, E. M. (eds.) Attachment in the Preschool Years: Theory, Research, and Intervention. University of Chicago Press, pp. 121-160.
- Rutter, M. (1995) Clinical implications of attachment concepts: Retrospect and prospect. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 36(4), pp. 549-571.
