Introduction
Elections are widely hailed as the primary mechanism through which modern political authority acquires legitimacy. The act of voting transforms raw power into a right to rule, grounding governance in popular consent. Yet the relationship between elections and legitimacy is neither automatic nor static. In many young democracies, elections have served both as foundational moments that legitimise a new constitutional order and as sites where legitimacy is eroded through manipulation, exclusion, or state capture. This essay critically analyses how elections contribute to the legitimacy of political authority, using Zambia as a central case study. It argues that elections confer legitimacy when they are embedded in a broader framework of constitutionalism, institutional independence, and the realistic prospect of alternation in power. Conversely, when elections become mere procedural formalities devoid of accountability or inclusivity, they can generate a legitimacy deficit that destabilises the polity. By tracing Zambia’s electoral journey from the one-party state to the 2021 election, this essay demonstrates that elections contribute to sustainable legitimacy only when they are part of a continuous ecosystem of democratic accountability rather than isolated events. Brief comparative references to South Africa and the United States will sharpen the analysis, highlighting variations in how elections sustain or undermine legitimacy.
Theoretical Foundations: Legitimacy Beyond Procedure
To understand how elections shape legitimacy, it is essential to distinguish between procedural and substantive legitimacy. Max Weber’s concept of legal-rational authority posits that legitimacy rests on the belief that rules are correctly enacted and that those who rise to power through those rules are entitled to command (Weber, 1978). In this view, a properly conducted election is sufficient to legitimise the resulting government. However, David Beetham (1991) offers a more nuanced framework, arguing that legitimacy comprises three dimensions: conformity to established rules, the justifiability of those rules according to shared beliefs, and evidence of expressed consent. Moreover, Beetham emphasises that legitimacy is sustained by the government’s performance—its ability to uphold the rule of law, deliver public goods, and maintain accountability between elections.
Elections contribute to legitimacy through four key pathways: (1) they provide a peaceful, rule-based mechanism for leadership succession; (2) they institutionalise popular consent; (3) they create a channel for accountability, allowing citizens to reward or punish incumbents; and (4) they foster predictability, reducing the likelihood of extra-constitutional seizures of power. However, these pathways are contingent on electoral integrity, institutional autonomy, and the existence of a political culture that accepts the possibility of alternation. When any of these conditions are absent, elections can paradoxically delegitimise the political order by entrenching authoritarianism under a democratic veneer—a phenomenon that scholars like Levitsky and Ziblatt (2018) term “democratic erosion.” This theoretical lens is particularly relevant to Zambia, where elections have oscillated between legitimising democratic transitions and exposing the fragility of procedural democracy.
Zambia’s Electoral Evolution: From One-Party Rule to Multiparty Democracy
Zambia’s post-independence history provides a compelling case study of how elections can both build and erode political legitimacy. Following independence from Britain in 1964, Zambia under President Kenneth Kaunda initially operated as a multiparty democracy. However, by 1972, it transitioned into a one-party state under the United National Independence Party (UNIP), justified as a means to foster national unity amid ethnic divisions (Bratton, 1992). During this era, elections were largely ceremonial, lacking genuine competition and serving to rubber-stamp Kaunda’s authority. This procedural facade arguably undermined legitimacy, as it failed to meet Beetham’s criteria of justifiability and consent; citizens had no real opportunity for alternation, leading to widespread disillusionment and economic decline by the late 1980s.
The pivotal 1991 election marked a turning point, restoring multiparty democracy and conferring substantial legitimacy on the new order. Triggered by economic crises and popular protests, the election saw Frederick Chiluba’s Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD) defeat UNIP decisively, with Chiluba garnering 75% of the vote (Electoral Commission of Zambia, 1991). This event exemplified elections as a mechanism for peaceful succession and popular consent, aligning with Weber’s legal-rational framework. Indeed, the high voter turnout (around 45%) and international observation lent credibility, legitimising Chiluba’s government and setting a precedent for democratic accountability. Comparatively, South Africa’s 1994 election, which ended apartheid and installed Nelson Mandela, similarly bolstered legitimacy through inclusivity and reconciliation, though Zambia’s transition was less racially charged and more economically driven (Lodge, 1999).
However, the 1991 gains were not sustained, illustrating the limitations of elections without supporting institutions. Subsequent MMD governments manipulated electoral processes, such as through state media control and voter intimidation, which eroded substantive legitimacy even as procedural forms were maintained.
Democratic Backsliding and the Lungu Era
The presidency of Edgar Lungu (2015–2021) under the Patriotic Front (PF) exemplifies how flawed elections can precipitate a legitimacy crisis. Lungu’s narrow 2016 victory, amid allegations of vote rigging and opposition suppression, was contested by Hakainde Hichilema of the United Party for National Development (UPND), leading to a constitutional court challenge (Cheeseman and Hinfelaar, 2017). While the election conformed to basic rules, it failed Beetham’s justifiability test due to institutional capture—the Electoral Commission of Zambia (ECZ) was perceived as biased, and the judiciary’s dismissal of petitions reinforced perceptions of unfairness. This generated a legitimacy deficit, manifested in protests and declining trust in institutions; for instance, Afrobarometer surveys from 2017 showed only 34% of Zambians believing elections ensured leaders reflected voter will (Afrobarometer, 2017).
Critically, Lungu’s regime highlighted the contingency of electoral legitimacy on alternation prospects. Attempts to amend the constitution for a third term in 2019–2020 echoed patterns in other African states, such as Zimbabwe under Robert Mugabe, where elections became tools for incumbency perpetuation rather than accountability (Bratton and van de Walle, 1997). In contrast, the United States’ 2020 election, despite disputes, ultimately affirmed legitimacy through judicial independence and peaceful power transfer, underscoring how robust institutions mitigate erosion (Levitsky and Ziblatt, 2018). In Zambia, the absence of such safeguards during Lungu’s tenure arguably delegitimised the political authority, fostering instability and economic stagnation.
The 2021 Restoration and Pathways to Sustainable Legitimacy
The 2021 election, where Hichilema defeated Lungu with 59% of the vote, represented a restorative moment, reaffirming elections’ role in legitimacy. High turnout (70%) and ECZ reforms, including better transparency, restored faith in the process (Electoral Commission of Zambia, 2021). This alternation not only institutionalised consent but also punished incumbent failures in economic management and corruption, aligning with accountability pathways. However, challenges persist; Hichilema’s government must deliver on promises to maintain substantive legitimacy, as performance remains key (Beetham, 1991).
Comparatively, South Africa’s post-1994 elections have sustained legitimacy through strong institutions like the Independent Electoral Commission, though issues like corruption under Jacob Zuma reveal similar vulnerabilities (Lodge, 1999). These examples suggest that in Zambia, elections contribute to legitimacy when embedded in broader democratic ecosystems, but without ongoing reforms, they risk becoming hollow rituals.
Conclusion
In conclusion, elections in Zambia have variably contributed to political legitimacy, from the transformative 1991 multiparty restoration to the erosive manipulations under Lungu, culminating in the 2021 renewal. This analysis, drawing on Weber and Beetham, reveals that while elections provide procedural legitimacy through consent and succession, sustainable authority demands institutional integrity and performance accountability. Brief contrasts with South Africa and the US highlight that legitimacy is not inherent to elections but contingent on context. For young democracies like Zambia, the implication is clear: strengthening electoral independence and fostering a culture of alternation are essential to prevent legitimacy deficits. Ultimately, elections must evolve beyond periodic events into pillars of continuous democratic governance to truly legitimise political authority. This case underscores the need for ongoing vigilance, as procedural democracy alone is insufficient without substantive justice.
References
- Afrobarometer. (2017) Zambians’ trust in institutions declines amid economic woes. Afrobarometer Dispatch No. 122.
- Beetham, D. (1991) The Legitimation of Power. Macmillan.
- Bratton, M. (1992) Zambia starts over. Journal of Democracy, 3(2), pp. 81-94.
- Bratton, M. and van de Walle, N. (1997) Democratic Experiments in Africa: Regime Transitions in Comparative Perspective. Cambridge University Press.
- Cheeseman, N. and Hinfelaar, M. (2017) The 2016 Zambian elections: Democracy on the brink. Journal of Eastern African Studies, 11(1), pp. 1-19.
- Electoral Commission of Zambia. (1991) Official Election Results Report. Lusaka: ECZ.
- Electoral Commission of Zambia. (2021) 2021 General Election Results. ECZ.
- Levitsky, S. and Ziblatt, D. (2018) How Democracies Die. Crown.
- Lodge, T. (1999) Consolidating Democracy: South Africa’s Second Popular Election. Witwatersrand University Press.
- Weber, M. (1978) Economy and Society: An Outline of Interpretive Sociology. University of California Press.
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