Introduction
This essay explores Rachel Laudan’s concept of “middling cuisines” as presented in her chapter “Modern Cuisines: The Expansion of Middling Cuisines, 1810-1920,” situating it within the historical context of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Middling cuisines, as Laudan defines them, represent the culinary practices of the emerging urban middle classes, distinct from both elite high cuisines and peasant fare. The essay will first examine the definition and historical origins of middling cuisines, including key food items and the influence of high-Anglo cuisine. It will then discuss the global spread of these cuisines and their varied adoption in regions such as Latin America, North America, and East Asia. Furthermore, the analysis will address how middling cuisines became emblematic of middle-class identity and reinforced class distinctions, as well as their role in shaping the modern family structure. Finally, the relationship between Western imperialism and middling cuisines will be explored through the lens of cultural and visual representations, such as dining practices and restaurant culture. By integrating historical evidence and visual analysis, this essay aims to provide a comprehensive understanding of how middling cuisines reflect broader social, political, and economic transformations during this period.
Defining Middling Cuisines and Their Historical Context
Rachel Laudan describes middling cuisines as the culinary traditions that emerged with the rise of the urban salaried middle classes in the nineteenth century. Unlike the elaborate dishes of high cuisine associated with aristocracy or the subsistence diets of rural peasants, middling cuisines were practical, affordable, and adapted to the lifestyles of urban professionals and clerks (Laudan, 2013). This development was closely tied to the Industrial Revolution, which, beginning in the late eighteenth century in Britain, spurred urbanization and the growth of a salaried workforce. As families moved to cities for work in factories and offices, their dietary needs shifted, necessitating meals that were quick to prepare and suited to smaller households.
Historically, the backdrop of industrialization and urbanization provided fertile ground for middling cuisines. The period between 1810 and 1920 saw significant improvements in food preservation and transportation—such as the advent of canning in the 1810s and refrigerated rail transport by the 1860s—which made a wider variety of ingredients accessible (Smith, 2011). Key food items in middling cuisines often included processed goods like canned meats and vegetables, alongside staples such as bread, potatoes, and modest amounts of meat, reflecting a balance between economy and aspiration (Laudan, 2013). Furthermore, high-Anglo cuisine, characterized by British culinary traditions of roast meats and heavy sauces, played a significant role in shaping middling cuisines, as it provided a cultural template that the middle classes emulated, albeit in simplified forms to suit their budgets and time constraints (Colquhoun, 2007). Thus, middling cuisines were not merely a product of necessity but also of cultural aspiration.
Global Spread and Regional Adaptations of Middling Cuisines
The expansion of middling cuisines was not limited to Europe; it spread globally, often facilitated by Western imperialism and trade networks during the nineteenth century. As European powers colonized regions in Africa, Asia, and the Americas, they introduced their culinary practices, which were adapted by local populations. In North America, middling cuisines took root among the growing urban middle class in the United States and Canada, with an emphasis on convenience foods like canned goods and industrially produced bread, reflecting the fast-paced lifestyle of industrial societies (Levenstein, 2003). In Latin America, however, the adoption was more syncretic, blending European influences with indigenous and African culinary traditions, resulting in dishes that combined local staples like maize with European techniques (Pilcher, 1998).
In East Asia, particularly in port cities like Shanghai, middling cuisines were encountered through Western-style restaurants and bakeries, often as a symbol of modernity. As Laudan notes, Chinese courtesans were among the first to experiment with Western dining, highlighting a cultural curiosity that was initially limited to elite or fringe groups (Laudan, 2013). Over time, however, elements of middling cuisines—such as the use of dining tables and cutlery—began to signify social status, even if the food itself was not widely embraced due to differing palates. This regional variation underscores how middling cuisines were not uniformly adopted but were instead reshaped by local contexts, often acting as a marker of cultural exchange under colonial influence (Mintz, 1996).
Middling Cuisines as a Symbol of Class and Family Structure
Middling cuisines became a defining feature of middle-class identity, embodying values of thrift, order, and domesticity. The preparation of meals at home, often by women, reinforced the notion of the nuclear family as a self-sufficient unit, distinct from the communal eating practices of the working class or the ostentatious banquets of the elite (Laudan, 2013). Indeed, dining practices associated with middling cuisines—such as set meal times and the use of dining rooms—helped maintain class differences by establishing a ritualized separation from other social groups. For instance, the middle class prided itself on meals that were neither lavish nor crude, positioning themselves as morally superior to both the excesses of the rich and the perceived coarseness of the poor (Bourdieu, 1984).
Moreover, middling cuisines contributed to the modern family structure by emphasizing the role of the housewife as the manager of domestic life. Cookbooks and household manuals of the era, often targeted at middle-class women, promoted standardized recipes that aligned with middling cuisine’s ethos of practicality, further embedding these culinary practices into the fabric of family life (Shapiro, 1986). Therefore, middling cuisines were not just about food but also about constructing and perpetuating social norms that defined the modern middle-class family.
Imperialism and Middling Cuisines: A Cultural Intersection
The relationship between Western imperialism and middling cuisines is vividly illustrated through cultural practices and visual representations, as seen in the images discussed by Laudan. Image 1, depicting the rise of restaurants as a byproduct of middling cuisines, reflects how dining out became diverse in purpose during the nineteenth century, catering to travelers, workers, and socialites alike (Laudan, 2013). This trend spread globally with imperialism, as Western-style restaurants emerged in colonial cities, symbolizing economic dominance and cultural imposition. For example, during the British Raj in India (1858–1947), clubs and hotels in cities like Calcutta served middling cuisine dishes to colonial administrators, reinforcing social hierarchies (Collingham, 2006).
Image 2, portraying Chinese women dining in a Western-style setting in late-nineteenth-century Shanghai, further exemplifies this intersection. Illustrated by Wu Youru, this image captures the cultural hybridity in treaty ports post-Opium Wars (1839–1860), where Western influence was most pronounced (Laudan, 2013). The adoption of Western dining by Chinese courtesans, as shown, signifies not just culinary exchange but also the economic and political power dynamics of imperialism, where embracing Western customs could denote status or cosmopolitanism within a colonial context. Thus, these visuals underscore how middling cuisines, as a cultural artifact, were intertwined with the political and economic structures of imperialism, serving as both a tool of domination and a site of negotiation.
Conclusion
In conclusion, Rachel Laudan’s exploration of middling cuisines offers valuable insights into the culinary transformations of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, reflecting broader social and economic shifts. This essay has demonstrated that middling cuisines, rooted in the urban middle class’s needs and aspirations, were shaped by industrialization and influenced by high-Anglo traditions. Their global spread through imperialism, with varied regional adaptations, highlights their role as markers of cultural exchange. Additionally, as symbols of middle-class identity and contributors to modern family structures, middling cuisines reinforced social distinctions. Finally, their connection to imperialism, evidenced through visual culture, reveals the interplay of politics, economy, and cuisine. These findings suggest that food history is inseparable from broader historical narratives, providing a lens through which to understand class, culture, and power dynamics.
References
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- Collingham, L. (2006) Curry: A Tale of Cooks and Conquerors. Oxford University Press.
- Colquhoun, K. (2007) Taste: The Story of Britain through Its Cooking. Bloomsbury Publishing.
- Laudan, R. (2013) Cuisine and Empire: Cooking in World History. University of California Press.
- Levenstein, H. (2003) Revolution at the Table: The Transformation of the American Diet. University of California Press.
- Mintz, S. W. (1996) Tasting Food, Tasting Freedom: Excursions into Eating, Culture, and the Past. Beacon Press.
- Pilcher, J. M. (1998) Que Vivan Los Tamales! Food and the Making of Mexican Identity. University of New Mexico Press.
- Shapiro, L. (1986) Perfection Salad: Women and Cooking at the Turn of the Century. University of California Press.
- Smith, A. F. (2011) Eating History: 30 Turning Points in the Making of American Cuisine. Columbia University Press.
