Introduction
The rise of the gig economy has fundamentally reshaped the labour market, particularly in the UK, where platforms such as Uber, Deliveroo, and TaskRabbit have created opportunities for flexible, short-term work. Gig workers, often classified as self-employed or independent contractors, form a significant portion of this workforce. However, the precarious nature of gig work, characterised by a lack of job security, irregular income, and limited access to employment benefits, raises critical questions about its impact on workers’ motivation and engagement. This essay explores the concept of job insecurity within the context of gig work, examines its psychological and practical effects on workers, and evaluates how these factors influence their motivation and engagement levels. By drawing on academic literature and empirical evidence, the essay argues that while gig work offers flexibility, the inherent job insecurity often undermines workers’ intrinsic motivation and long-term engagement with their roles.
Understanding Job Insecurity in the Gig Economy
Job insecurity refers to the perceived threat of job loss and the associated uncertainty about future employment stability (De Witte, 1999). For gig workers, this insecurity is amplified due to the absence of traditional employment contracts, which typically provide guarantees of income and benefits. Instead, gig workers rely on short-term assignments or ‘gigs,’ with income fluctuating based on demand and platform algorithms. A study by the UK government’s Department for Business, Energy & Industrial Strategy (BEIS) highlighted that over 2.8 million people in the UK engaged in gig work in 2019, many of whom reported anxiety over inconsistent workloads (BEIS, 2019). This uncertainty not only affects financial stability but also creates a pervasive sense of vulnerability, as workers cannot predict their long-term prospects.
Moreover, the lack of legal protections—such as redundancy pay or sick leave—further exacerbates this insecurity. While some gig platforms offer limited benefits (e.g., accident insurance), these are often insufficient compared to traditional employment safeguards. Consequently, gig workers frequently experience what De Witte (1999) terms ‘qualitative job insecurity,’ where the fear of losing valued job features (such as autonomy or flexibility) compounds the stress of potential income loss. This context sets the stage for exploring how such insecurity influences motivation and engagement.
The Psychological Impact of Job Insecurity on Motivation
Motivation, often categorised into intrinsic (driven by personal satisfaction) and extrinsic (driven by external rewards) forms, plays a pivotal role in determining how gig workers approach their tasks. According to Self-Determination Theory (SDT), individuals are motivated when their needs for autonomy, competence, and relatedness are met (Ryan and Deci, 2000). However, job insecurity in gig work can undermine these psychological needs. For instance, the constant pressure to secure gigs may erode a worker’s sense of autonomy, as they feel compelled to accept undesirable tasks or work excessive hours to maintain income levels.
Empirical studies support this view. A study by Ashford et al. (2018) found that gig workers experiencing high levels of job insecurity reported lower levels of intrinsic motivation, as the unpredictability of work diminished their sense of control and personal investment in their roles. Indeed, the fear of not securing enough gigs can shift workers’ focus from meaningful engagement to mere survival, prioritising short-term financial gains over long-term skill development or job satisfaction. Furthermore, this stress can lead to burnout, with workers feeling emotionally detached from their tasks—a clear barrier to sustained motivation.
On the other hand, some argue that the flexibility of gig work might compensate for insecurity by allowing workers to tailor their schedules. While this is true for some, it does not universally offset the psychological toll of uncertainty, particularly for those who rely on gig work as their primary income source. Therefore, while flexibility is a noted benefit, it is arguably insufficient to mitigate the detrimental effects of insecurity on motivation for many workers.
Engagement Levels and the Role of Job Insecurity
Engagement, defined as a positive, fulfilling state of involvement in one’s work (Schaufeli et al., 2002), is closely linked to motivation but distinct in its focus on emotional and cognitive attachment to tasks. High engagement is associated with better performance, loyalty, and well-being. However, job insecurity among gig workers often hinders such engagement. The transient nature of gig assignments means workers may lack a sense of belonging or commitment to any single platform or role, reducing their emotional investment.
Research by Wood et al. (2019) highlights that gig workers in the UK frequently report feeling ‘disposable’ due to the lack of formal recognition or feedback from platforms. This perception, coupled with the absence of career progression opportunities, limits their engagement. For example, a delivery driver might complete hundreds of tasks for a platform like Deliveroo without receiving meaningful acknowledgment or pathways to advancement, fostering a sense of detachment. Additionally, the competitive nature of gig work—where workers vie for limited assignments—can create a transactional relationship with the platform, further diminishing any sense of loyalty or purpose.
Nevertheless, some gig workers may still engage deeply with their work due to personal values or external factors, such as supporting a family. While this resilience is noteworthy, it does not negate the broader trend that insecurity generally undermines engagement by fostering alienation and reducing the psychological connection to work.
Potential Solutions and Interventions
Addressing the impact of job insecurity on gig workers’ motivation and engagement requires a multifaceted approach. Firstly, gig platforms could implement measures to enhance predictability, such as offering minimum income guarantees or transparent scheduling systems. Such initiatives, while costly, might foster greater trust and stability among workers. Secondly, policymakers in the UK could push for legislative reforms to grant gig workers greater protections, akin to those enjoyed by traditional employees. The ongoing debate around reclassifying gig workers as employees, as seen in the landmark Uber case of 2021, represents a step in this direction (UK Supreme Court, 2021).
Additionally, gig workers themselves can adopt coping strategies, such as diversifying income streams or joining collectives for mutual support. While these measures do not eliminate insecurity, they can mitigate its psychological impact, thereby preserving motivation and engagement to some extent. However, systemic change—rather than individual adaptation—remains critical to addressing the root causes of insecurity in the gig economy.
Conclusion
In conclusion, job insecurity poses significant challenges to the motivation and engagement of gig workers in the UK. The uncertainty of income and lack of employment protections undermine psychological needs for autonomy and stability, often reducing intrinsic motivation and fostering disengagement. While flexibility offers certain advantages, it is generally insufficient to counteract the broader negative effects of insecurity. Empirical evidence underscores the pervasive impact on workers’ well-being and performance, highlighting the need for both platform-driven and policy-level interventions. As the gig economy continues to grow, addressing these challenges is essential to ensure that gig work becomes a sustainable and fulfilling form of employment, rather than a source of perpetual stress. The implications of this issue extend beyond individual workers, influencing broader labour market dynamics and social equity, thus warranting further research and action.
References
- Ashford, S. J., Caza, B. B. and Reid, E. M. (2018) From surviving to thriving in the gig economy: A research agenda for individuals in the new world of work. Research in Organizational Behavior, 38, pp. 23-41.
- Department for Business, Energy & Industrial Strategy (BEIS) (2019) The characteristics of those in the gig economy. UK Government Report.
- De Witte, H. (1999) Job insecurity and psychological well-being: Review of the literature and exploration of some unresolved issues. European Journal of Work and Organizational Psychology, 8(2), pp. 155-177.
- Ryan, R. M. and Deci, E. L. (2000) Self-determination theory and the facilitation of intrinsic motivation, social development, and well-being. American Psychologist, 55(1), pp. 68-78.
- Schaufeli, W. B., Salanova, M., González-Romá, V. and Bakker, A. B. (2002) The measurement of engagement and burnout: A two sample confirmatory factor analytic approach. Journal of Happiness Studies, 3(1), pp. 71-92.
- UK Supreme Court (2021) Uber BV and others v Aslam and others [2021] UKSC 5. UK Government Legal Records.
- Wood, A. J., Graham, M., Lehdonvirta, V. and Hjorth, I. (2019) Good gig, bad gig: Autonomy and algorithmic control in the global gig economy. Work, Employment and Society, 33(1), pp. 56-75.
