Introduction
In the context of ENG 102, which explores themes of observation, bias, and institutional dynamics in educational settings, this essay examines how students’ backgrounds influence what they notice in higher education environments. The topic focuses on observation as a non-neutral act, shaped by personal upbringing and cultural influences, often leading individuals to overlook or misinterpret subtle cues due to untrained perceptions or inherent biases. Specifically, the research question investigates: “How does a student’s upbringing and cultural capital act as a lens that shapes their observation of ‘hidden’ institutional cues in campus spaces?” This question highlights differences between first-generation students (those whose parents did not attend university) and continuing-generation students, drawing on concepts like cultural capital to analyse how these factors affect students’ experiences in campus spaces. By reviewing relevant literature and analysing key themes, the essay argues that upbringing and cultural capital create distinct lenses for interpreting institutional cues, such as unspoken norms or support structures, which can exacerbate inequalities in higher education.
Literature Review
The literature on first-generation students reveals significant insights into how socioeconomic and cultural backgrounds intersect with educational experiences. For instance, research indicates that many first-generation students originate from low-income households, which compounds their challenges in navigating university environments (American Sociological Association, 2019). This source, drawing from broad sociological data, emphasises that such students often lack the familial guidance that continuing-generation peers possess, leading to disparities in recognising institutional resources.
Furthermore, studies comparing motivation and stress levels between first-generation and continuing-generation students highlight emotional and psychological differences. Holt (2020) conducted a longitudinal analysis, tracking students from the start to the end of a semester, and found that first-generation students maintained higher motivation despite stressors like financial pressures and homesickness, whereas continuing-generation students experienced greater declines in motivation and increases in stress. These outcomes are attributed to factors such as limited preparation for university life, underscoring how upbringing influences resilience and perception.
Additionally, gender-specific challenges emerge in the literature, particularly for first-generation female students. Research by Ostrove and Long (2007) discusses the “superwoman” narrative, where women feel pressured to excel in multiple domains—academics, appearance, and social trends—to achieve belonging. First-generation students, often lacking cultural knowledge of campus norms, struggle to fit in, which shapes their observation of social cues as intimidating rather than accessible.
Analysis (Themes)
Several key themes arise when examining how upbringing and cultural capital shape observations of hidden institutional cues.
First, first-generation students arrive at university less prepared than their continuing-generation counterparts, as campus habitus—Bourdieu’s term for ingrained social norms—aligns more closely with the latter’s backgrounds (Bourdieu, 1986). This misalignment means first-generation students may overlook subtle cues, such as informal networking opportunities or unwritten rules for office hours, leading to feelings of discomfort and isolation.
Second, the student role often feels like an burdensome job for first-generation individuals, who may lack familial support networks, forcing them to manage stress independently. This contrasts with continuing-generation students, who typically draw on inherited cultural capital to interpret cues like mentorship signals more effectively, resulting in reduced emotional strain.
Third, while both groups observe the same physical campus spaces, their interpretations differ markedly. First-generation students might perceive libraries or student unions as alienating due to unfamiliar social dynamics, whereas continuing-generation peers view them as extensions of their habitus, fostering belonging.
Connection
This topic connects to ENG 102 concepts of power imbalances in institutions, where universities inadvertently favour continuing-generation students through embedded support systems that assume prior knowledge. In real-world terms, this perpetuates inequality, as first-generation students face barriers to success, contributing to broader societal issues like social mobility gaps. From my perspective as a student studying this area, addressing these disparities is essential; institutions must implement targeted interventions, such as mentorship programmes, to foster inclusivity and enhance belonging for all.
Conclusion
Through this analysis, I learned that upbringing and cultural capital profoundly influence how students observe and interpret hidden cues in campus spaces, often disadvantaging first-generation students. This matters because it highlights the need for systemic changes in higher education to promote equity, ensuring that observation becomes a tool for empowerment rather than exclusion. Ultimately, recognising these lenses can lead to more supportive environments, benefiting diverse student populations.
References
- American Sociological Association. (2019) First-Generation College Students. American Sociological Association.
- Bourdieu, P. (1986) The forms of capital. In J. Richardson (ed.) Handbook of Theory and Research for the Sociology of Education. Greenwood, pp. 241-258.
- Holt, L.J. (2020) Motivation and stress in first-year college students: A comparison of first-generation and continuing-generation students. Journal of College Student Retention: Research, Theory & Practice, 22(3), pp. 456-478.
- Ostrove, J.M. and Long, S.M. (2007) Social class and belonging: Implications for college adjustment. The Review of Higher Education, 30(4), pp. 363-389.
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