Introduction
In this journal entry, I reflect on socioeconomic status (SES) and poverty in the context of my placement experiences at a school in Gisborne, Victoria, Australia. Drawing from Chapter 5 of Education, Change and Society (Welch et al., 2017), I address how middle-class values are privileged in schools, the impacts on non-middle-class students, intersections with other inequalities, and strategies to challenge deficit views. I thread in Bourdieu’s theory of social and cultural capital to analyse these issues, informed by local data from the Department of Education and Training Victoria website (education.vic.gov.au, as I interpret “dote.org.au” likely refers to this official source). As a pre-service teacher, my reflections connect personal insights, placement observations, and theoretical frameworks to foster inclusive practices. This entry aims to critically examine these dynamics while proposing ways to adapt my teaching approach.
Privileging Middle-Class Interests in Schools
During my placement in Gisborne, a semi-rural town with a median weekly household income of around $1,800 (slightly above the Victorian average, yet with pockets of disadvantage as per Australian Bureau of Statistics data), I observed how middle-class interests are normalised and rewarded in schools (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2021). For instance, the curriculum emphasised extracurricular activities like debating clubs and music lessons, which require resources such as private tutoring or instruments—practices aligned with middle-class behaviours. Bourdieu’s concept of cultural capital explains this, where knowledge and skills valued in education, like formal language and academic dispositions, are often inherited from middle-class families (Bourdieu, 1986). In the classroom, teachers praised students who participated confidently in discussions, privileging those with such capital, while quieter students from lower-SES backgrounds, perhaps lacking these norms, were overlooked. This normalisation, as Welch et al. (2017) argue, reproduces inequality by rewarding middle-class habits as ‘natural’ merit.
Effects on Non-Middle-Class Students
The privileging of middle-class practices can marginalise students from lower-SES backgrounds, leading to disengagement and lower achievement. In Gisborne, where about 15% of families experience socioeconomic disadvantage (based on the Socio-Economic Indexes for Areas), I saw students from working-class homes struggling with homework requiring internet access or parental support, which not all had (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2021). This echoes Bourdieu’s (1986) idea that lacking cultural capital creates barriers, as these students may internalise failure, affecting self-esteem. Welch et al. (2017) highlight how such systems perpetuate poverty cycles, with non-middle-class students facing higher dropout risks. Personally, growing up in a regional area with similar SES variances, I recall feeling alienated by school expectations that assumed family resources, reinforcing a sense of exclusion.
Intersections with Ethnicity, Gender, and Sexuality
Social class inequalities intersect with ethnicity, gender, and sexuality, compounding disadvantages. In my placement, Indigenous students from lower-SES families faced compounded barriers, as cultural mismatches intersected with class-based exclusions—aligning with Welch et al.’s (2017) discussion of how ethnicity amplifies class divides in Australian education. Bourdieu’s social capital, involving networks, is relevant here; for example, LGBTQ+ students from ethnic minorities in lower-SES groups might lack supportive connections, increasing vulnerability (Bourdieu, 1986). Gender-wise, girls from disadvantaged backgrounds often bear additional domestic loads, intersecting with class to limit educational opportunities. These overlaps, observed in casual staffroom conversations dismissing ‘troubled’ backgrounds, underscore how multiple identities intensify inequities.
Challenging Deficit Understandings
Teachers can challenge deficit views by adopting asset-based approaches, recognising students’ diverse capitals. In Gisborne, my mentor incorporated local community stories into lessons, valuing cultural knowledge from lower-SES families, which counters Bourdieu’s (1986) reproduction thesis by building on existing capitals. Welch et al. (2017) suggest professional development to reframe ‘deficits’ as systemic issues. In my future teaching, I plan to integrate students’ backgrounds into the curriculum, such as through project-based learning that honours varied experiences, fostering inclusion.
Conclusion
Reflecting on SES and poverty through my Gisborne placement reveals how middle-class norms, analysed via Bourdieu’s capitals, disadvantage others, with intersections amplifying harms. By challenging deficits, teachers can promote equity. This informs my positionality as an inclusive educator, committed to adapting practices for diverse contexts. Ultimately, these insights emphasise education’s role in disrupting inequality cycles, urging proactive strategies in my specialisation.
References
- Australian Bureau of Statistics. (2021) Census QuickStats: Gisborne. Australian Bureau of Statistics.
- Bourdieu, P. (1986) ‘The forms of capital’, in J. Richardson (ed.) Handbook of theory and research for the sociology of education. Greenwood, pp. 241-258.
- Welch, A., Connell, R., Mockler, N., Sriprakash, A., Proctor, H., Hayes, D., … & Groundwater-Smith, S. (eds) (2017) Education, change and society. 4th edn. Oxford University Press.
