Introduction
This essay reflects on my experiences during the Basant festivities in Lahore, drawing connections between personal observations from a field visit and academic readings on urban sociology. Specifically, it examines how processes of neoliberal urbanization in Lahore have impacted classed and gendered/sexed spatial relations in the city. The analysis is grounded in three key readings: David Harvey’s discussion of the right to the city, Tovi Fenster’s exploration of the gendered city, and Phadke, Khan, and Ranade’s insights on women and risk in urban spaces. Through observations made during a journey from the Orange Line Train to Shalamar Gardens and Delhi Gate, I explore how neoliberal urban dynamics shape access to and experiences of public spaces across class and gender lines. The essay argues that such processes often exacerbate inequalities, reinforcing spatial segregation and limiting the right to the city for marginalized groups.
Neoliberal Urbanization and the Right to the City
David Harvey’s concept of the right to the city emphasizes the need for inclusive urban spaces where all citizens can participate in shaping their environment (Harvey, 2008: 23). However, my observations during the Basant festivities in Lahore suggest that neoliberal urbanization—characterized by privatization, commodification of public spaces, and market-driven development—undermines this ideal, particularly along class lines. On the Orange Line Train at Anarkali station, the chaotic and overcrowded conditions, with no ticketing system in place during the festival, highlighted how public infrastructure struggles to accommodate the masses, especially lower-class commuters who predominantly used the service. The stares my group received, likely due to perceived class differences, underscored Harvey’s argument that neoliberal urban policies often alienate certain groups, restricting their sense of belonging in shared spaces (Harvey, 2008: 26). Indeed, the visible disparity between my group—students from a privileged university—and other passengers reflected how urban spaces in Lahore are implicitly stratified by class, limiting the universal right to the city.
Furthermore, at Delhi Gate, the presence of large SUVs blocking narrow streets symbolized the encroachment of private interests into public spaces, a hallmark of neoliberal urbanization. This incident, coupled with the physical discomfort and harassment I experienced in the crowd, illustrated how such urban planning—or lack thereof—disproportionately affects vulnerable groups, rendering public spaces less accessible and safe. Harvey’s critique of neoliberalism as prioritizing profit over people’s needs resonates here, as the city’s design and management during Basant appeared to cater more to elite mobility than to equitable access for all (Harvey, 2008: 31).
Gendered Spatial Relations and Everyday Belonging
Tovi Fenster’s concept of the gendered city highlights how urban spaces are constructed around patriarchal norms, often excluding women and non-binary individuals from full participation (Fenster, 2005: 218). My experiences during the Basant festivities confirmed Fenster’s observations, particularly in the segregated arrangements on the Orange Line Train, where women were directed to a separate section. While this segregation is ostensibly for safety, it reinforces gender binaries and marginalizes those who do not conform to traditional norms. For instance, some students in my group, who identified as women or feminine-bodied but did not fit typical gender presentations, faced stares and discomfort, reflecting Fenster’s argument that the gendered city denies belonging to those outside rigid categorizations (Fenster, 2005: 221).
At Shalamar Gardens, interactions with local families further revealed the entrenched patriarchy shaping women’s spatial experiences. A conversation with a mother and daughter revealed their acceptance of gendered roles, as they described forgoing Basant celebrations to tend to household duties while their husbands enjoyed festivities with friends. This aligns with Fenster’s assertion that women’s right to the city is curtailed by unpaid domestic labor, which confines them to private spheres even during public festivals (Fenster, 2005: 224). Their narrative highlighted how neoliberal urbanization, by failing to provide communal support structures, perpetuates gendered inequalities in access to leisure and public spaces.
Women, Risk, and Public Space During Basant
Phadke, Khan, and Ranade’s work on women and risk in urban spaces offers a lens to understand the pervasive sense of insecurity I felt during the field visit, particularly at Delhi Gate (Phadke et al., 2011: 10). Their argument that women must navigate public spaces with constant vigilance due to gendered harassment was vividly illustrated when I was physically pressed against by a man in the crowd—an intentional act, as I later realized there was space behind him. This distressing episode echoes their observation that women’s presence in public is often conditional, framed by risk and the threat of violence (Phadke et al., 2011: 12). Neoliberal urbanization exacerbates such risks by prioritizing rapid, profit-driven development over safe, inclusive design. The chaotic, unmanaged crowds at Delhi Gate during Basant highlighted how urban planning in Lahore often neglects gendered safety concerns, resonating with Phadke et al.’s call for cities to be reimagined as spaces where women can loiter without fear (Phadke et al., 2011: 15).
Additionally, the persistent stares from young boys at Shalamar Gardens and the defensive reaction of a couple we approached underscored how class and gender intersect to shape spatial interactions. Phadke et al. note that women’s visibility in public, especially when perceived as ‘out of place,’ invites scrutiny and hostility (Phadke et al., 2011: 13). My group’s perceived class privilege and non-conformity to traditional gender norms likely amplified this scrutiny, illustrating how neoliberal urban spaces in Lahore are not merely gendered but also deeply classed, restricting who can claim the right to belong.
Conclusion
In conclusion, my reflections on the Basant festivities in Lahore reveal the profound impact of neoliberal urbanization on classed and gendered/sexed spatial relations. Drawing on Harvey’s concept of the right to the city, it is evident that class disparities, reinforced by market-driven urban policies, limit access to public spaces, as seen in the exclusionary dynamics on the Orange Line Train and at Delhi Gate. Fenster’s gendered city framework highlights how patriarchal norms confine women to private roles and marginalize non-conforming individuals, a reality echoed in interactions at Shalamar Gardens. Finally, Phadke et al.’s insights on risk illuminate the pervasive insecurity women face in public spaces, as experienced during the chaotic crowds at Delhi Gate. Together, these observations and readings underscore that neoliberal urbanization in Lahore perpetuates inequalities, restricting the right to the city for many. The implications of this analysis suggest a need for urban policies that prioritize inclusivity, safety, and equitable access, ensuring that festivals like Basant can truly be celebrations for all.
References
- Fenster, T. (2005) ‘The Right to the Gendered City: Different Formations of Belonging in Everyday Life,’ Journal of Gender Studies, Vol. 14(3), pp. 217-231.
- Harvey, D. (2008) ‘The Right to the City,’ New Left Review, Vol. 53, pp. 23-40.
- Phadke, S., Khan, S. and Ranade, S. (2011) Why Loiter: Women and Risk on Mumbai Streets, Chapter 2, New Delhi: Penguin, pp. 8-21.
