Introduction
The relationship between media representations and public perceptions of crime is a significant area of study within criminology. Media, in its various forms, serves as a primary source of information for many individuals, often shaping how crime is understood and discussed within society. This essay critically examines how media representations influence public perceptions of crime, drawing on criminological and media theories such as moral panic theory, agenda-setting theory, and the concept of framing. By engaging with academic literature, contemporary examples, and theoretical debates, this essay will explore the mechanisms through which media constructs narratives about crime, the impact of these portrayals on public attitudes, and the broader implications for criminal justice policy and societal fear. The discussion will be structured around three key themes: the construction of crime in media, the theoretical frameworks explaining media influence, and the real-world consequences of skewed representations. Through this analysis, the essay aims to highlight both the power of media in shaping perceptions and the limitations of such portrayals.
The Construction of Crime in Media
Media representations of crime are rarely neutral; they are often selectively constructed to captivate audiences and align with commercial or ideological interests. According to Jewkes (2015), news media frequently prioritises sensational and violent crimes, presenting them in ways that exaggerate their prevalence. This selective depiction contributes to a distorted picture of crime, where rare but dramatic events—such as homicides or terrorism—are overrepresented compared to more common offences like theft or fraud. For instance, in the UK, high-profile cases like the murder of Sarah Everard in 2021 received extensive media coverage, often framed as emblematic of widespread violence against women, despite statistical evidence suggesting that such extreme cases are outliers (Office for National Statistics, 2021). This focus on the exceptional rather than the everyday arguably skews public understanding, fostering a belief that crime is more violent and pervasive than it is in reality.
Moreover, media outlets often employ specific language and imagery to heighten emotional responses. Terms like ‘epidemic’ or ‘crisis’ are commonly used to describe crime trends, even when data does not support such claims. As Greer (2010) notes, this sensationalism is not merely a reflection of public interest but a deliberate strategy to sustain viewership. The consequence is a public perception that often diverges from criminological data, prioritising fear over factual understanding. While this construction of crime in media is widely acknowledged in academic literature, it is worth noting that not all media forms operate identically. For example, social media platforms may amplify individual voices and counter-narratives, though they too can perpetuate misinformation and bias (Jewkes, 2015). This complexity suggests a need to critically assess the varying ways in which different media influence perceptions, rather than viewing media as a monolithic entity.
Theoretical Frameworks Explaining Media Influence
Several criminological and media theories provide insight into how representations of crime shape public perceptions. One of the most influential is moral panic theory, developed by Cohen (1972). Cohen argued that media can create moral panics by exaggerating threats posed by certain groups or activities, leading to heightened public fear and calls for action. A classic example is the portrayal of ‘mods and rockers’ in the 1960s, where media amplified minor conflicts into a perceived societal crisis. More recently, media coverage of knife crime in the UK, often focusing on Black and minority ethnic youth, has been critiqued for reinforcing racial stereotypes and generating disproportionate fear (Hall et al., 1978). While moral panic theory is useful in understanding episodic bursts of public concern, it has limitations, particularly in explaining sustained perceptions of crime over time. Critics argue that it may overemphasise media power while underplaying audience agency in interpreting messages (Greer, 2010).
Complementing moral panic theory is agenda-setting theory, which posits that media does not dictate what people think but influences what they think about (McCombs and Shaw, 1972). By repeatedly highlighting specific types of crime, media shapes the public agenda, making certain issues appear more pressing. For instance, extensive coverage of terrorism-related incidents in the post-9/11 era has arguably led to heightened public concern about security, often overshadowing other crime types despite their lower incidence (Jewkes, 2015). However, this theory does not fully address how media framing— the way stories are presented—interacts with agenda-setting to influence interpretations. Framing theory suggests that media not only selects topics but also constructs narratives that guide audience understanding (Entman, 1993). For example, framing a crime wave as a failure of policing may foster public distrust in law enforcement, whereas framing it as a societal issue might encourage calls for broader social reform.
These theoretical perspectives collectively illustrate the multifaceted ways media shapes perceptions. However, they also reveal gaps in understanding, particularly regarding how diverse audiences interpret media messages differently based on their social contexts. This limitation highlights the need for a nuanced approach when applying these theories to contemporary issues.
Real-World Consequences of Media Representations
The impact of media representations extends beyond public perception, influencing individual behaviour, policy responses, and social attitudes. One significant consequence is the cultivation of fear of crime, often disproportionate to actual risk. Gerbner’s cultivation theory (1976) suggests that prolonged exposure to media portrayals of violence fosters a ‘mean world syndrome,’ where individuals perceive their environment as more dangerous than it is. In the UK, surveys have consistently shown that public fear of crime exceeds reported victimisation rates, a discrepancy partly attributed to media influence (Office for National Statistics, 2021). For instance, despite a decline in violent crime over the past decade, public concern remains high, arguably due to relentless media focus on isolated but shocking incidents.
Furthermore, media representations can shape criminal justice policy by creating pressure for punitive responses. As Hall et al. (1978) discuss in their seminal work on policing the crisis, media-driven moral panics often result in ‘law and order’ campaigns, where policymakers respond to public fear rather than evidence-based analysis. A contemporary example is the UK government’s reactive policies on knife crime, often accompanied by increased stop-and-search practices, despite limited evidence of their effectiveness in reducing crime (Home Office, 2020). Such responses can exacerbate social inequalities, particularly when media narratives disproportionately target marginalised groups.
Nevertheless, it is important to acknowledge that media influence is not absolute. Public perceptions are also shaped by personal experiences, education, and peer influences, which may counteract or reinforce media messages (Greer, 2010). Additionally, the rise of digital media has introduced opportunities for counter-narratives, allowing activists and communities to challenge dominant representations. For instance, social media campaigns like #BlackLivesMatter have drawn attention to systemic biases in crime reporting, fostering critical public discourse (Jewkes, 2015). This evolving media landscape suggests that while traditional representations remain powerful, their effects are increasingly contested, necessitating further research into digital influences.
Conclusion
In conclusion, media representations play a pivotal role in shaping public perceptions of crime, often constructing narratives that prioritise sensationalism over accuracy. Through the lens of criminological and media theories such as moral panic, agenda-setting, and framing, this essay has demonstrated how media influences not only what the public thinks about crime but also how it interprets and responds to it. The real-world consequences of these representations are profound, ranging from heightened fear of crime to the enactment of reactive and sometimes inequitable policies. However, the discussion also reveals the limitations of media power, particularly in light of audience diversity and the rise of digital platforms that challenge traditional narratives. While this analysis underscores the importance of critically engaging with media portrayals, it also highlights the need for further research into how new forms of media continue to reshape perceptions. Indeed, understanding this dynamic is crucial for developing informed criminal justice policies and fostering a public discourse grounded in evidence rather than fear.
References
- Cohen, S. (1972) Folk Devils and Moral Panics: The Creation of the Mods and Rockers. London: MacGibbon and Kee.
- Entman, R. M. (1993) Framing: Toward Clarification of a Fractured Paradigm. Journal of Communication, 43(4), pp. 51-58.
- Gerbner, G. (1976) Toward ‘Cultural Indicators’: The Analysis of Mass Mediated Public Message Systems. AV Communication Review, 17(2), pp. 137-148.
- Greer, C. (2010) Crime and Media: A Reader. London: Routledge.
- Hall, S., Critcher, C., Jefferson, T., Clarke, J., and Roberts, B. (1978) Policing the Crisis: Mugging, the State, and Law and Order. London: Macmillan.
- Home Office (2020) Knife and Offensive Weapon Sentencing Statistics: Quarter 4 2020. UK Government.
- Jewkes, Y. (2015) Media and Crime. 3rd ed. London: SAGE Publications.
- McCombs, M. E. and Shaw, D. L. (1972) The Agenda-Setting Function of Mass Media. Public Opinion Quarterly, 36(2), pp. 176-187.
- Office for National Statistics (2021) Crime in England and Wales: Year Ending March 2021. ONS.
